Wednesday, October 17, 2012

Vatican II, 50 years later: a Baptist appreciation

The following post was originally published by the Associated Baptist Press ABPnews Blog.

October 11, 2012 marked the fiftieth anniversary of the opening of the Second Vatican Council by Pope John XXIII. My service as a member of the Baptist World Alliance delegation to a series of bilateral ecumenical conversations with the Roman Catholic Church held from 2006 through 2010 has given me a deepened appreciation for many aspects of the work of that council and its legacy.

In particular, I’ve come to see that the Catholic Church is not unlike the Baptist tradition in terms of the role that forms of dissent play in the theological development of both traditions (though Catholics do not describe it as “dissent”—more on that distinction later), and that this feature of Vatican II suggests some ways Baptists might see themselves as participants in the ongoing formation of a larger tradition that includes the Catholic Church along with all Christian churches. I’ve also recognized that Baptists even made their own historical contributions to one of the official declarations issued by the Council and thus can arguably claim to have participated indirectly in the formulation of Catholic magisterial teaching, but I’ll save the explanation of that assertion for a future ABPnews Blog post.
While doing research for a paper offering a Baptist perspective on the Vatican II Dogmatic Constitution on Divine Revelation Dei Verbum that I presented to the 2007 meeting of the Baptist-Catholic dialogue in Rome, I discovered that not only the Second Vatican Council but also the sixteenth-century Council of Trent were marked by intra-magisterial divisions and debates that preceded the official approval of their decrees. In both councils there were Catholic voices within the magisterium arguing for rather Baptist-like positions on the normativity of Scripture in relation to the tradition of the church, for example.
In 1546, the bishops assembled for the Council of Trent were deeply divided about the most appropriate Catholic response to the challenge of the Lutheran insistence on “Scripture alone” as the normative authority for faith and practice. There were initially thirty-three votes for a statement of the parity of Scripture and tradition, but there were eleven votes in favor of amending this affirmation with a Latin word suggesting that Scripture and tradition were similar but not equal, plus an additional three votes in favor of a statement that traditions should be regarded with respect but without language declaring their parity with Scripture. As debate continued over proposed revisions, Bishop Giacomo Nacchianti insisted, “To put Scripture and Tradition on the same level is ungodly.” In response to the interjection by another bishop, “Are we ungodly people?”, Nacchianti replied, “Yes, I repeat it! How can I accept the practice of praying eastward with the same reverence as St. John’s gospel?”
While Bishop Nacchianti’s position did not carry the day, in the final text of Trent’s Decree Concerning the Canonical Scriptures language declaring the truth of salvation to be found “partly” in Scripture and “partly” in tradition was dropped in favor of the affirmation that truth is revealed in Scripture and in tradition, but without a parceling out of some truths to Scripture and others to tradition. In retrospect Baptists would readily join the dissenting Catholic position that opposed the equation of the authority of Scripture and tradition, and they would find the nod to the minority in the wording of the final version of the text more amenable than the “partly” in Scripture, “partly” in tradition language that it replaced.
A comparable difference of opinion over the proper relation of Scripture and tradition emerged in the long and tumultuous process leading from the initial presentation of a preparatory draft of Dei Verbum in 1960 to its final approval as a dogmatic constitution in 1965. In a debate on a draft under consideration in 1964, Bishop Hermann Volk of Mainz in Germany argued in favor of a greater emphasis on Scripture as the norm of tradition:
[A] special importance attaches to sacred scripture because it is in itself the word of God and does not simply contain it. In the sacred liturgy we incense sacred scripture and not tradition, and in this hall we are solemnly exalting sacred scripture and not tradition.
Counting the preparatory draft, the text that became Dei Verbum had nine incarnations. Joseph Ratzinger, now Pope Benedict XVI, participated in Vatican II as a theological adviser and observed in a commentary on Dei Verbum:
The text…naturally reveals traces of its difficult history; it is the result of many compromises. But the fundamental compromise which pervades it is more than a compromise, it is a synthesis of great importance. It combines fidelity to Church tradition with an affirmation of critical scholarship, thus opening up anew the path that faith may follow into the world of today. It does not entirely abandon the position of Trent and Vatican I, but neither does it mummify what was held to be true at those councils, because it recognizes that fidelity in the sphere of the Spirit can be realized only through a constantly renewed appropriation. With regard to its total achievement, one can say unhesitatingly that the labour of the four-year long controversy was not in vain (Joseph Ratzinger, “Dogmatic Constitution on Divine Revelation: Chapter II, The Transmission of Divine Revelation,” trans. William Glen-Doepel, in Commentary on the Documents of Vatican II, ed. Herbert Vorgrimler [New York: Herder and Herder, 1967-69], vol. 3, p.164-65).
As with Trent, the magisterial teaching that emerged from the contention and compromise of conciliar theological deliberation at Vatican II had taken into account a range of positions that included some with basic similarities to Baptist perspectives. Even if such positions did not triumph over the others in the final formulation of the dogmatic constitution, they did influence it and to some degree were incorporated into the “compromise” document that is Dei Verbum.
These processes of Catholic doctrinal debate exemplify what Baptists might call “dissent”—constructive dissent that contributes to the clarification of doctrine. Catholics reserve the term “dissent” for public rejection of Catholic teaching by Catholics, which is not the same thing Baptists have in mind when they describe themselves as dissenters.
Baptists are dissenting lower-case “c” catholic Christians. They are quantitatively catholic in the sense of acknowledging that they belong to the whole church, even if points of their dissent preclude for the time being their full visible unity with large segments of the whole church. They are qualitatively catholic to the degree that they share the incarnational and sacramental pattern of faith and practice that characterized ancient catholic Christianity, even as they dissent from certain developments of catholic Christianity that are features of the faith and practice of upper-case “C” Catholic Christianity.
While Baptists as dissenting catholics cannot offer an unqualified endorsement of Dei Verbum and other documents of Vatican II, they can find a place within the pattern of theological contestation that produced them. Fifty years later, the Baptist future may depend on finding that place and owning it, and the Catholic future may depend on embracing once again the healthy theological contestation that belongs to that pattern.

Friday, October 12, 2012

A Friday miscellany

Some miscellaneous tidbits at week's end:

I'm grateful to the Catholic Herald (UK) for including my ABPnews Blog post "Vatican II, 50 years later: a Baptist appreciation" in its morning "must reads" list today.

Speaking of that anniversary and things linked from the Catholic Herald: Catholic blogger Fr. John Zuhlsdorf has posted links to YouTube clips of newsreel footage of the opening session of the Second Vatican Council broadcast as part of an Italian television documentary.

Finally, I'm looking forward to doing some theodicy-themed teaching and preaching this Sunday at the First Baptist Church of Tryon, NC, where my friend and former student Jeff Harris is pastor. At 9:45 AM I'll deliver the lecture "God Is Great, God Is Good--Yet There Are Folks Who Have No Food: Thinking Together About God and Suffering," followed by Q & A. In the 11:00 AM worship service I'm preaching the sermon "In Good Company" (Job 23:1-9; Hebrews 4:12-16; Mark 10:17-31). (In both the lecture and sermon I'll actually contend that in place of a "theodicy," the Christian tradition offers us and the world a Trinitarian account of the response of God and God's people to the reality of suffering and injustice.)

Thursday, October 11, 2012

On the 50th anniversary of Vatican II

Today is the 50th anniversary of the opening session of the Second Vatican Council. I marked the occasion by contributing a post to the Associated Baptist Press ABPnews Blog offering a Baptist appreciation for an aspect of that momentous development. I'll post the full text here on Ecclesial Theology in a few days; in the meantime, here's an excerpt from the opening of the blog post:

Today marks the fiftieth anniversary of the opening of the Second Vatican Council by Pope John XXIII on October 11, 1962. My service as a member of the Baptist World Alliance delegation to a series of bilateral ecumenical conversations with the Roman Catholic Church held from 2006 through 2010 has given me a deepened appreciation for many aspects of the work of that council and its legacy.

In particular, I’ve come to see that the Catholic Church is not unlike the Baptist tradition in terms of the role that forms of dissent play in the theological development of both traditions (though Catholics do not describe it as “dissent”—more on that distinction later), and that this feature of Vatican II suggests some ways Baptists might see themselves as participants in the ongoing formation of a larger tradition that includes the Catholic Church along with all Christian churches.

Read the full post on the ABPnews Blog.

Tuesday, October 9, 2012

Digital resource notice: Baker Academic Early Church Collection

Baker Academic is making available as a searchable digital download via the Logos Bible Software platform the Baker Academic Early Church Collection, a collection of fourteen monographs and edited volumes on various themes in patristic literature and thought originally published in hard copy from 2007 through 2012. Included in this collection is Evangelicals and Nicene Faith: Reclaiming the Apostolic Witness, ed. Timothy George (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2011), to which I contributed chapter 6, "The Nicene Faith and the Catholicity of the Church: Evangelical Retrieval and the Problem of Magisterium." Logos Bible Software is currently accepting pre-orders for the collection on its web site (see hyperlink above). Below is a listing of the volumes included in this collection:

Friday, September 28, 2012

10 Things You Can Do for the Unity of the Church--Flagler Beach, FL edition (re-post with updated links)

[Re-post of blog entry from August 3, 2012 with updated links for relocated web sites]

With my permission, the web sites of the Christian Unity Ministry of Santa Maria Del Mar Catholic Church in Flagler Beach, Florida and Flagler Churches Together in Prayer and Song have posted a synopsis of "Leaves You if You Don't Care for It: Ten Things You Can Do for the Unity of the Church," chapter 4 in my book Ecumenism Means You, Too: Ordinary Christians and the Quest for Christian Unity (click on hyperlinks for the synopses as they appear on the respective web sites). Many thanks to Dr. Chau T. Phan, a retired professor of political science, member of Santa Maria Del Mar Catholic Church, and lay advocate for the unity of the church, for calling attention to the book in this way. Readers of Ecclesial Theology will find Dr. Phan's account of his calling to this lay ecumenical vocation interesting and inspiring. I also encourage having a look around the web site of the Christian Unity Ministry coordinated by Dr. Phan at Santa Maria Del Mar Catholic Church--the most active local church effort at grassroots ecumenical engagement I've come across to date.

Home pages of main websites mentioned above: Christian Unity Ministry of Santa Maria Del Mar Catholic Church and Flagler Churches Together in Prayer and Song.

Interested in reading Ecumenism Means You, Too? Order the book directly from the publisher or from Amazon.com.

Wednesday, September 26, 2012

Jesus' "wife"?

(This post was previously published by the ABPnews Blog.)

On September 18 I glanced quickly at the headlines from the mobile edition of the New York Times and went straight to “A Faded Piece of Papyrus Refers to Jesus’ Wife.” As a theologian I’m always interested in how such stories are presented and received in relation to Christology (an account of the theological significance of the person and work of Christ), and since one of the specializations of my graduate studies and ongoing research is the intellectual history of early Christianity, I’m also interested in seeing how others in my profession tackle the challenge of communicating the import of ancient Christian texts to the public.

Finds such as this one are rarely as revolutionary as the media presentation of them suggests. When the existence and translation of a “Gospel of Judas” was announced to the public by the National Geographic Society in 2006, for example, there was much media discussion of how this find might alter our understanding of early Christianity. In actuality, it merely confirmed the accuracy of a reference to the document and summary of its contents by Irenaeus of Lyons in his treatise Against Heresies in the late second century CE.

Here’s what we know right now about this new find. I’m relying for the time being on reporting by the New York Times and the Associated Press for information about the fragment presented by Karen L. King, Hollis Professor of Divinity at Harvard Divinity School, to a meeting of the International Congress of Coptic Studies in Rome on September 18 and scheduled to be published in a future issue of the Harvard Theological Review. (Coptic is a stage of the indigenous Egyptian language that after the conquests of Alexander the Great came to be written in a largely Greek script with additional characters for sounds present in the Egyptian language but not in Greek and with numerous Greek loan words. Many ancient Christian texts from Egypt are written in Coptic, and Coptic continues to be the liturgical language of the Coptic Church.)

The manuscript fragment—but not necessarily the document itself—seems to date to the fourth century CE. Thus it could reflect a written text or oral tradition that originated as early as the first century and as late as the fourth.

In English translation, what can be deciphered of it seems to say: “…not [to] me. My mother gave to me li[fe]…The disciples said to Jesus…deny. Mary is worthy of it…Jesus said to them, ‘My wife’…she will be able to be my disciple…Let wicked people swell up…As for me, I dwell with her in order to…an image.”

This immediately reminded me of a dialogue between Peter and Jesus about the worthiness of Mary portrayed in the final pericope (114) of the Gospel of Thomas, another early Christian text written in Coptic:

Simon Peter said to him, “Let Mary leave us, for women are not worthy of life.” Jesus said, “I myself shall lead her in order to make her male, so that she too may become a living spirit resembling you males. For every woman who will make herself male will enter the kingdom of heaven.”

If the new fragment has connections to this text in the Gospel of Thomas, it’s not necessarily new evidence for a supposedly suppressed affirmation of women in certain “lost” streams of early Christianity. Indeed, one would be hard pressed to find a more patriarchal perspective in surviving early Christian literature than the one expressed in Gospel of Thomas 114.

What of Jesus’ reference to “my wife” in this fragment?

It seems to me that there are at least three possible referents of this construction. First, as suggested in the media summaries of King’s work on the text, it could refer to a wife taken by Jesus. (More on the theological implications of that possibility later in this post.)

Second, as Ben Witherington III, Jean R. Amos Professor of New Testament for Doctoral Studies at Asbury Theological Seminary, points out in the Associated Press story, a number of Coptic texts representing Gnostic Christianity in the second through fourth centuries are “sister-wife texts” which reference some Gnostic Christians as having “carried around a female believer with them who cooks for them and cleans for them and does the usual domestic chores, but they have no sexual relationship whatsoever.” If this fragment reflects that practice, it could be imagining Jesus as having such a “wife.”

Third, when I read King’s English translation of what can be deciphered of the fragment I thought of the New Testament texts in which Jesus is compared to a bridegroom in relation to his followers (e.g., John 3:29) and, in at least one of those texts, the church is portrayed as Christ’s “wife” (Ephesians 5:22-33).

A disclaimer: I am not a Coptic expert. I did, however, take a course in Coptic as an overly ambitious graduate student who in that same semester also took a course in Syriac along with seminars in the Greek Christian Apologists and in patristic theology (don’t try this at home). Consequently I retained very little of the Coptic and Syriac that I barely survived, but enough that I can read the script in the image of the fragment and can translate much of it with the aid of a Coptic lexicon. The expression “my wife,” tahime in transliterated Coptic, reflects the same word for “wife” (hime) employed in the early Coptic translations of Ephesians (“bride” as employed in the “bridegroom” texts in the Gospels is another word in Coptic). It’s a tenuous connection at best, but it’s possible that this fragment reflects knowledge of the Ephesian image of the church as the wife of Christ as well as the image of Jesus as a bridegroom in the New Testament Gospels. If so, a third possibility is that the fragment’s Jesus is referring to Mary as a member of the community of disciples that constitutes his “wife.”

But what if Jesus really did have a wife with whom he had sexual relations? Quite apart from the lack of any reference to Jesus’ married state in the canonical Gospels—or elsewhere in early Christian literature, with the exception of the possible reference in this text—would it pose any Christological difficulties if Jesus had a wife?

The celibacy of Jesus is not essential to Christology, just as Jesus’ maleness is not essential to Christology. The celibacy of Jesus does not privilege that state over married life (though it does suggest to us that one can be fully human in one’s gendered humanity without being sexually active or married), just as the maleness of Christ in the historical event of the incarnation does not privilege being male over being female (contra the Gospel of Thomas).

The particularities of Jesus’ historical existence are representative of the totality of human experience, from birth through death and resurrection, even if they do not reflect the particularities of every human being’s experiences. If Jesus was celibate, he nonetheless represents the fullness of what it means for sexuality to be a dimension of being human, for celibacy is one expression of an individual’s sexuality in relation to others, as is also married life.

Theologically, for Jesus to have been married would not require us to re-think historic Christological doctrine. But historically, there is not sufficient evidence to suppose that he was–even if the best interpretation of this fragment is that Jesus therein is referring to a woman named Mary as his “wife” in the usual sense of that word.

(This post was previously published by the ABPnews Blog.)

Friday, September 21, 2012

Preliminary $0.02 on the "Jesus' wife" fragment

Today the Associated Baptist Press News Blog published my preliminary historical and theological reflections on the Coptic papyrus fragment that seems to include a reference to Jesus' "wife." I'll post the full text of my contribution here on Ecclesial Theology early next week; in the meantime here's an excerpt from the beginning of the post:

On September 18 I glanced quickly at the headlines from the mobile edition of the New York Times and went straight to “A Faded Piece of Papyrus Refers to Jesus’ Wife.” As a theologian I’m always interested in how such stories are presented and received in relation to Christology (an account of the theological significance of the person and work of Christ), and since one of the specializations of my graduate studies and ongoing research is the intellectual history of early Christianity, I’m also interested in seeing how others in my profession tackle the challenge of communicating the import of ancient Christian texts to the public.

Read the full post on the ABPnews Blog.

Friday, September 7, 2012

Philip Thompson on "Locating Baptist Dogmatics"


Earlier this summer I participated on the program of the Baptist History and Heritage Society Annual Conference on the theme "Baptists and Theology" held at First Baptist Church in Raleigh, North Carolina, June 7-9, 2012. The Baptist History and Heritage Society has now made available on the society's web site links to video of selected papers and plenary addresses from the conference, including a paper presented by Philip E. Thompson, Professor of Systematic Theology and Christian Heritage at Sioux Falls Seminary in Sioux Falls, South Dakota, on "Locating Baptist Dogmatics: Defining and Defending Baptist Identity in the Absence of a Normative Theology" (video embedded above). In my opinion Dr. Thompson's paper among those I was able to hear was the one that got most directly to the heart of the issues under discussion at the conference.

The site also includes a link to video of my own paper presentation "Baptist Theology in Dialogue: Reports of  International Bilateral Conversations with Baptist World Alliance Participation as Expressions of Baptist Constructive Theology," along with several other addresses and presentations of interest to readers of Ecclesial Theology.

Wednesday, September 5, 2012

On Mormonism and Christian ecclesial identity

The Associated Baptist Press story "The Mormon Moment" by Bob Campbell includes information and a quote from me in paragraphs seven and eight. I declined to opine as to whether Mormons are Christians or are rightly related to God, choosing instead to focus my comments on my awareness of how the relation of Mormonism to Christian ecclesial identity is treated by such institutions of conciliar ecumenism as the World Council of Churches and the National Council of Churches of Christ in the USA:

Steven Harmon, an adjunct professor at Gardner-Webb divinity school and author of Ecumenism Means You, Too, noted that both the World Council of Churches and National Council of Churches of Christ in the USA do not consider the LDS eligible for membership.

I am aware that the National Council of Churches, which is nothing if not an inclusive Christian organization, does officially classify relations with the LDS as interfaith rather than ecumenical,” Harmon said.

Read the full story on ABP News.

Wednesday, August 29, 2012

Violence and the cross

Eloi, Eloi, lama Sabachthani?
(Ann Kim, 1998)

A version of this post was previously published on the ABPnews Blog.

Challenging the notion that some violent responses to violence are justified often seems to cause people to respond with greater vehemence than if their most deeply-cherished convictions about the nature of God had been questioned.

I suspect there are two reasons for that. First, if such people were to be convinced that the taking of human life by the state or its citizens is inherently unjust, they would lose the meaning of the national narrative that forms their identity as Americans. That may be too much for many American Christians to bear, but if so, it’s symptomatic of nothing short of idolatry.

A second reason became evident to me after I shared to my Facebook profile a link to Fisher Humphreys’ ABPnews Blog post “Should We Abolish the Death Penalty?” One comment in response objected, “It seems like the cross shows that God believes in the death penalty.”

While I disagree, I think the author of that comment was on to something.

Some common ways of understanding how the cross of Christ reconciles us to God portray God as one who engages in redemptive violence. Human virtue reflects the divine character, so if the cross reveals the justice of a violently redemptive God, it stands to reason that people are justified when they fight violence with violence.

The cross is undeniably violent. But who is responsible for the violence of the cross event?

People, of course, crucified Jesus. But there is a trajectory of Christian atonement theory—theological reflection on how it is that the cross of Christ makes God and humanity “at one”—that identifies God as the one that ultimately visits violence upon Jesus in the crucifixion through the instrumentality of those who crucified Jesus.

According to this perspective, God subjects Jesus to the penalty of death due humans as the punishment for their sin, a penalty we cannot sufficiently pay because of our sinfulness. The result is that the relationship between God and humanity is objectively changed from alienation to reconciliation.

That trajectory runs from certain medieval perspectives on why the cross was necessary for our salvation through John Calvin’s influential synthesis of the theological insights of the Reformation to widespread forms of contemporary evangelicalism.

In my judgment—and that of a great many other recent and contemporary theologians—that theology of the cross must be re-thought because of what it communicates about who God is in relation to us and who we ought to be in relation to others.

The root of my disagreement with that popular approach to atonement theory is a differing location of the ultimate source of the violence of the cross. If it is God, then the cross reveals God as violent and the endorser of violence. If it is humanity—as I think is the case—then the cross exposes humanity’s violence as sinful. It also reveals God’s solidarity with those who suffer violence and Jesus’ nonviolent way as that which triumphs over violence.

In the latter view there is still objectivity to what the cross of Christ changes about the relationship of God and humanity, but it is not the satisfaction of God’s wrath or the payment of a penalty required by God’s justice. Rather, it is the divinely-provided end of the universal human impulse to do something sacrificial to please the divine. While disclosed definitively by the cross, Abraham had glimpsed this truth about the relationship of God and humanity. His journey with Isaac to Mount Moriah reflects this universal human impulse to do something sacrificial to please the divine (perhaps with the practice of child sacrifice in the background?), but he learns there that God provides what is necessary for right relations with God.

The cross no more shows that God believes in the death penalty or other forms of “redemptive violence” than Jesus’ scourging suggests that God believes in torture. That’s my conviction, but others’ mileage may vary.

A version of this post was previously published on the ABPnews Blog.